Targeted industrial and sectoral subsidies (renewable energy, chip manufacturing, agriculture, green hydrogen, etc).
Product-market regulation, entry barriers, licensing burdens, network-industry regulation, price controls.
Security of private property rights — formal recognition, expropriation risk, titling systems.
Following the 2002-2003 PDVSA strike, President Hugo Chávez dismissed ~18,000 PDVSA technical staff (approximately half the workforce). Subsequent 2006-2007 nationalisation of Orinoco Belt heavy-oil joint ventures (ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips exited rather than accept majority Venezuelan state control; Chevron, BP, Statoil, Total stayed under new terms). PDVSA revenue progressively diverted to government social missions via parallel budget mechanisms, reducing maintenance capex. Production trajectory: peak ~3.5 mbpd pre-2002 → ~0.4 mbpd by 2020. Canonical case of resource-extractor nationalisation with technocratic-autonomy loss, per the `resource_extractor_nationalisation_reduces_output` hypothesis.
Per invariant 3, reforms are scored by what they did on each channel-separated axis, not by the party that enacted them. This fingerprint is how the policy-match engine finds historical analogues.
Explicit links are curated by the author. Inferred links are hypotheses in the library that test the same axes this policy moved — the framework's answer to "what does the data say about a policy like this?".
Ranked by axis-fingerprint overlap with this policy. Direction match bolded — those are the closest historical analogues. Shape of the match is what drives policy-outcome comparison, not the country or party label.